Feijoo repeats his failures with economic data in national politics and tries to erase his control in Galicia.
Law graduate Alberto Núñez Feijoo was never an expert in the field of economics. But, fueled by inflation in the West and energy problems stemming from the war in Ukraine, he decided to make the PSOE government and United We Can a focal point of opposition. It so happens that his “no” speech to all of Pedro Sánchez’s measures sometimes clashes with his own European party – as in the case of the electricity profit tax – or with his controversial administration, despite the 13 years he has been elected president. junta. . This applies, for example, to loans. Feijóo, who says one and the opposite, and which is based on an indirect connection to the data, has already tested his method in Galicia.
Among his attacks on the executive branch, it highlights the main state funding mechanism. Last July, in an interview with El Mundo newspaper, the prime minister dropped the headline “Every Spaniard owes 6,000 euros”. He then promised to cut ministerial posts and use the Falcon less. What they ignore in their statements is the context and history of this debt. It increased by 23.5 points between 2019 and 2020, rising from 95.5% of GDP in 2019 to 118.8% in 2020. In 2021 it stood at 118.4%, higher only among the EU countries Greece, Italy and Portugal. .
Behind this unprecedented growth are government policies implemented to contain the spread of the coronavirus pandemic and to mitigate the economic impact of the lockdown. But this situation disappears with his intervention. This is the reality of his successive cabinets in Galicia, whose economic performance does not look particularly bright. Also related to the public debt, which tripled in 2009, when Feihoo acquired the absolute majority, and until 2022, when it joined the Ayuso operation to liquidate and replace Casado. It rose from 6.8% to 18.5% of GDP, a 2708 euro “poof” per Galician, in its own terms.
Inflation and financial population
The extremely high inflation prevailing in Europe and other so-called Western economies is also part of the weapon that Feiju is using against Sanchez. He did this before jumping into public politics and continues to do so in his new position. “The continuous increase in the consumer price index for two years represents the most unfair tax the government has imposed on us,” he said two days ago, again without referring to the international context. His rhetorical pirouettes are also repeated: according to him, inflation is beneficial “for the state” and for the Sánchez executive, because, in his words, “it collects more.”
Aside from his idiosyncratic theories about taxes and levies mixed with right-wing fiscal populism, Feehue has once again been forgetting who he was for nearly a decade and a half. The Consumer Price Index (CPI) in Galicia has been above the Spanish average for several months. In August, it reached 11% compared to 10.5% in the state, according to the latest available data. This phenomenon, which Sunta could never explain, is not related to the phase of Alfonso Rueda that began in May: it lasts more than a year and a half. Housing is one of the main explanatory factors – its price has increased by 29.2% since 2021 – but poor regional policy in this context may explain why neither Feijoo nor Rueda mention it.
Thus, the PP president is ordering massive tax cuts to overcome the price crisis. This proposal is essentially a culture war. It is often difficult for him to elaborate without echoing Reagan’s “so that the government would stop strangling the Spaniards.” A review of the tax work of his successive Galician cabinets may provide a clue. He has repeatedly boasted about tax cuts. He repeated this like a mantra in the last autonomy state debate in which he participated. “We want to make it easier for citizens to get to the end and prevent Galicia from becoming part of an indiscriminate uprising,” he said at the time.
But the fact is that his junta measures, in the narrow space of economic manipulation of society, do not support his speech. The tariff and tax cuts introduced by the Galician government in 2022 benefited mainly middle and high income people and wealthy taxpayers. In particular, it was mainly noticed by those who have to pay property tax – with a minimum exemption of 700,000 euros – with a 25% bonus; and who submitted an income tax return with a taxable base between EUR 47,600 and EUR 60,000. He simply has no sympathy for the “middle and low income tax cuts” used against the executive branch of PSOE and United We Can.
Its relation to electricity
However, Núñez Feijoo was most overwhelmed by the PP energy problem. The group voted against it in Congress, a day before the European Union put forward a similar measure backed by the European People’s Party, due to its opposition to taxing the windfall profits of power companies and banks. It turns out to be a 180-degree turn, despite some plot tricks: on the right, the perceived difference between European and Spanish initiatives is emphasized. “First, Europe’s rate hikes are focused on reducing income. While the tax fee is going to increase,” the party’s number two, Cuca Gamara, assured, and was echoed a few hours later by the junta’s president, Alfonso Rueda. The retreat began on the disguised stage.
A few weeks ago, the Socialist Party attacked Nunez Feijoo for his alleged closeness to the leadership of major energy companies. There’s a photo in his photo album to prove it, showing a stormy embrace of Iberdrola’s president, Ignacio Sánchez Galán, during the first inauguration of the Galician government’s presidency. Also this week, the BNG recalled the PP in the Galician parliament. “There are people who are surprised that the PP voted against the tax on electricity companies,” said Nationalist leader Ana Ponton, “and we’re not. You have to see who the president of Iberdrola is hugging.
The Xunta did nothing last year to stop Iberdrola from emptying the As Portas and Cenza reservoirs (Vilariño de Conso, Ourense) and putting the fire at risk. Feiju himself denied knowledge of the company’s plans, which was contradicted by information from elDiario.es: two emails sent to the Galician executive’s environmental protection service warn of the company’s plans. The management did nothing about it. After he came out publicly, he announced the ban.
And the fact is that the environment is not among Feijo’s main concerns. The policy presented to the PP as an alternative to government measures against the energy crisis, whose conclusions the party copied verbatim from a Galician government document, pushes climate change into the background. At least. He doesn’t always clarify his speech about it. “Almaraj I. (Cáceres , Extremadura) and will end in 2035 Trillo (Guadalajara, Castile-La Mancha). In the same speech, he refuted all the data, saying that Spain had “hundreds of hot and windless nights with zero megawatts of renewable energy production” and for this reason called for a return to polluting energy sources. When he was still in charge of Galicia, he did not hesitate to brag about the reduction of CO2 emissions in the community. He did not explain the underlying reason for the collapse: the shutdown of the As Pontes thermal power plant, which is now proposed to be restarted. His successor, Alfonso Rueda, followed the same controversial path.
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